Goldmann vs Adorno
Ralph Dumain
rdumain at igc.org
Mon, 19 May 2003 20:25:34 -0400
Following our recent discussion I decided to re-read Lucien Goldmann's
LUKACS AND HEIDEGGER: TOWARDS A NEW PHILOSOPHY (London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul, 1979). I may have more to say about the book as a whole later, but
now I am concerned with a section towards the end where Goldmann criticizes
Adorno (pp. 91-97). Goldmann points out that young Lukacs and the
Frankfurt School were allied in the latter's early years. But Adorno has
different ideas now:
quote:
Adorno revealed his new conceptions at a recent congress on the sociology
of literature, as, moreover, had Agnes Heller (one of Lukacs's closest
collaborators) on behalf of Lukacs. According to Adorno, the creator
situates himself outside reality, not at this necessary distance from the
group whose world vision he expresses, but outside of reality, and his
attitude toward it is extremely critical: a minimal acceptance and a
maximal rejection. That leads Adorno to the idea of a purely negative
dialectic, to rejection, and to the requirement of the impoverishment of
content, an impoverishment and rejection for which the ideal would be
Beckett. In almost Heideggerian tones --whom he criticizes sharply,
moreover-- Adorno now rejects everything which is popular, and any
concession to the popular, and thus arrives, through criticism, at rather
conservative positions.
He conceives of the work as a sort of objective reality, a nearly Platonic
reality or form which the creator should attain. To defend the idea of this
constraint by form, Adorno recalls that, however great a genius he may be,
the creator could only produce everything he wants to at the risk of
succumbing to mediocrity. This is incontestable at the psychological level
of the individual, but in no way does it explain to us the existence of its
objective realities, nor their origin. As we have seen, this objective
reality -- in other words coherence, significant structure, aesthetic form,
which goes beyond the subjective consciousness of the individual creator --
is not in the least a Platonic reality, but rather the possible
consciousness of a plural object, its world vision. This objectivity, this
form, exists for the individual who must attain it not as an evident
reality, but as a non-conscious norm; it is here that the individual is
differentiated from the collective subject, because, in the historical
praxis of a plural subject, the forms are neither given nor are they
preexistent. It is by starting from this collective praxis that the forms
become intelligible and that their genesis can be grasped.
Moreover, Adorno is little interested in these significant structures. What
makes a work important for him, what interests him, is what he calls its
'truth content'. This truth content, according to his pronouncements on it
at the congress, is difficult to define and always goes beyond the purely
intellectual. Consequently, the work must not be approached in its totality
and by following its genesis, but in relation to criticism, to the
philosopher, who knows this truth content today. Literature no longer
appears interesting or valid except to the extent that the critical
philosopher speaks about it in order to extract certain elements from it
which he judges in relation to something which is not the work itself.
Thus, the truth content is beyond the work, in the consciousness of the
critical philosopher who chooses this content in accordance with the
critical consciousness, and the work is no longer considered except outside
itself. This truth content, then, is situated outside history or in the
history of philosophy. As a result, aesthetics is subordinated to
philosophy, to truth, to the theoretically valid content. And, since this
truth content is not a significant structure inherent to the work, it
becomes a sort of evidence, of which the cultured man, the thinker, the
philosopher may have a sort of intuitive knowledge. Their knowledge is
shared by other cultured men, without the existence of any foundation other
than culture for this community. With much finesse and subtlety Adorno
comes back to this Neo-Kantian thought and to the dualism of the subject
and the object which Lukacs and Heidegger had transcended, thus taking up
the position of Bruno Bauer's and Max Stirner's Critical Consciousness.
end quote
I don't know what to make of this, but as we shall see, the argument hangs
on Goldmann's conception of subject-object identity with a collective
subject. There is something fishy about this.
Goldmann continues:
quote:
This Critical Consciousness found an explanation in the young Marx and the
young Lukacs on the basis of its historical genesis, and this can also
clarify Adorno's new position. Following Marx's directions, Lukacs was the
first to overturn the old customary scheme of the development of
Neo-Hegelian philosophy. He discusses the Neo-Hegelians in History and
Class Consciousness and in articles on Lassalle and Moses Hess of the same
period. These ideas of Lukacs continued by A. Cornu in his books on M. Hess
and Marx, are now very widespread and - as in the case of other Lukacsian
ideas - their origin has been forgotten. The earlier history of
Neo-Hegelianism was different. It constituted a chain which went from Hegel
to the Neo-Hegelians, to those of the right, the centre, and the left, to
reach Marx, as the most radical among the Hegelians of the left, who
developed dialectical materialism. But Lukacs has shown that those who are
called 'Hegelians of the Left' are in fact closer to Fichte -- as the
Neo-Kantians were later on -- than to Hegel. They had moved away from the
Hegelian position, according to Lukacs because they had abandoned the
fundamental categories of totality and the identity of the subject and the
object, in order to return to the subject-object opposition in the form of
the opposition between 'critical consciousness' and the world.
In The Holy Family and The German Ideology Marx had already accused the
Hegelians of the left -- Feuerbach, Bauer, Stirner, etc., -- of having
retained Hegel's language and his categories, but also for having returned
to this side of Hegel, who tried to imagine himself in the world. in fact,
the Hegelians of the left thought they were situated above the world and
spoke from outside it, whereas according to Marx and he ardently insists
upon it in The German Ideology when someone speaks, he should ask who is
speaking and from where. The Hegelians of the left are in opposition to the
reality of ideas which have no real basis: Bauer with his critical
self-consciousness and Stirner with his egoistic individual which, Marx has
shown, is not real and, in short, comes from a philosophical construction,
just like Bauer's 'critical consciousness'. To know what one is speaking
about, Marx very justifiably requires that one know who is speaking and
from where: it is necessary to know that one always speaks from within a
world from which comes the structure of consciousness of the one who is
speaking and who, in order to know what he is saying, must know this world
and this structuration at the risk of otherwise remaining within an ideology.
end quote
I understand the argument against the Left Hegelians, but there is
something not quote kosher here. The problem begins with subject-object
identity. I don't think this is a quite accurate characterization of the
deficiencies of the Left Hegelians.
I'll skip the next paragraph for the time being and move on:
quote:
According to Lukacs the Hegelians of the left are the expression of a
small, radical group oriented since the beginning of the 1840s toward the
revolution of 1848, without being sufficiently strong to succeed in the
revolution, or capable of thinking about itself and the situation clearly.
Moreover, after the failure of the revolution of 1848, the group altered
and its thinkers (who had been very well-known) lost all importance.
Beforehand, in the struggle against the Prussian State, which created all
sorts of difficulties for them, the Hegelians of the left could not
continue Hegel's compromise, nor find in Germany a real force which they
could have relied on. And so they criticized the world as bad and negative
without knowing where, in what place, and in what perspective or praxis, to
situate their criticism. They placed it in an imaginary entity, a 'critical
consciousness', or in the egoistic individual, Stirner's 'Unique Man' who
is another version of this who opposes the world and judges it.
end quote
True, but the problem is that their criticism lacks concreteness in its
treatment of the objective world and their relation to it. Hence their
judgement becomes abstract. There is something Stalinist about the
"collective subject", and Goldmann's sympathy here for the notions of the
YOUNG Lukacs as well as a limited sympathy for Heidegger, and this
obsession with situatedness that doesn't smell right. Who farted?
quote:
In History and Class Consciousness, where Lukacs offers this explanation
concerning the Hegelianism of the left, there is another important
observation - likewise derived from Marx - on Hegel's philosophical limits
and his proximity to Kant and Fichte. It is these limits of Hegel which
have permitted the Hegelians of the left, and the Neo-Hegelians in general,
to use him as their authority and to continue to use his language in order
to uphold a Fichtean outlook. Lukacs recalls that Hegel rejects any
possibility of judgment coming from the outside because he develops a
philosophy of immanence and totality. Yet, according to the Hegelian
conception, history is the work of the Absolute Spirit which, although
intervening through its agents, remains outside reality and has a dualist
relationship with it. Thus, despite the monism of a system which denies
dualism, a dualism of the subject and the object virtually exists in Hegel
between the Absolute Spirit and concrete history, according to
Lukacs. This opposition of the subject and the object was able to be
accentuated and placed at the centre of their preoccupations by the
Hegelians of the left, for whom the Absolute Spirit simply became the
subjective consciousness of the critique, the 'subject' of history.
According to Lukacs it is not because the young Marx had been the most
radical of the Hegelians of the left, i.e. in reality a Fichtean, that he
developed dialectical materialism. Quite the contrary, it was because he
was the only consistent Hegelian among them that he eliminated all of the
Fichtean and Kantian residues from the thought of Hegel and that he turned
toward rigorously monist thought. And he only attained this thought, and
was only able to elaborate it completely, after his exile in France and his
discovery of the proletariat as the new social force and as the basis of
identical theory and praxis.
end quote
I understand the logic of the argument, but I don't believe it.
quote:
Since Marx's time, and even since History and Class Consciousness, the
development of the forces of production and economic relations has again
rendered problematic the relation between thought and reality. Even Lukacs
abandoned the identity of the subject of praxis and the subject of the
work, and no longer relates the work to the group, but to the relation of
its creator to global history. Thus, the old theory of the revolutionary
proletariat as the historical basis, by its action, of dialectical thought
must be modified and can no longer be maintained or asserted as before. The
Frankfurt School, which no longer admits this old conception, has the
impression that the ground has been pulled away from under its feet. But
this disappearance of the collective subject has not led it to join the
structuralists who, on the basis of the technocratic structures of
organizational capitalism, deny the existence of the subject. The Frankfurt
School has kept its critical positions; nevertheless, it finds itself in
the situation of the Hegelians of the left in the Germany of the 1840s. It
has come back to the dualism between the subject and the object, and
criticizes the world on the basis of ideas which it is far from being able
to justify. Bauer came from Hegel. Today, Adorno comes from an earlier
Adorno, close to the positions of History and Class Consciousness, who
would not easily have accepted this radical rejection and this 'critical
consciousness' which he upholds today, while continuing, on other points,
his refined and intelligent dialectical analyses. The need to know worldly
reality, the collective subject on the basis of which one thinks, obviously
only exists for the dialectical thinker. Descartes - to take the famous
example of a non-dialectical thinker - does not have such a problem and
almost ignores its possibilities. The relation between the dialectical
thinker and the worldly reality from which he begins, is a dialectical,
circular, relation. The collective subject produces the mental structures
which the thinker expresses and elaborates, and he must be able to account
for their real origin in his thought.
end quote
I get it, but I don't believe in any collective subject even as a
concept. Smacks of objective idealism.
Finally:
quote:
If one does not accept Adorno's 'critical consciousness', which judges and
scans reality from on high, or the individual relation to global history as
Lukacs currently conceives it, if one wishes to maintain, no longer the
idea of the revolutionary proletariat, but the requirements of Marx's
dialectical thought (which always demands that one know who is speaking and
from where), of the subject-object totality, then the basic question arises
of knowing who is, now, the subject of speech and action. It is necessary
to know in the name of what and from where we are speaking today, if we
believe that there are only valid works and actions to the extent that they
are placed within a universe created by men and are attached to specific
groups.
There are situations in which one cannot give an answer because the group,
from which speech and action comes, is not yet manifest. In these
situations, on the basis of a modified tradition, individuals speak by
formulating perspectives and positions for which the group, the true
subject, if it is not yet there, is in gestation or waiting to be
elaborated. And very probably, these positions will be modified when the
group becomes manifest.
end quote
I find this inadequate. This cannot be as banal as it looks, can it?